On September 29, 2024, the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), came out ahead in the country’s parliamentary election after receiving twenty-nine percent of the vote, the highest in the party’s history. In 2019, the FPÖ had won only fifteen percent of the vote. Voter turnout was high, with close to eighty percent of eligible citizens casting a ballot [1].

The 2019 election was called in an emergency following the “Ibiza Affair,” a major scandal involving FPÖ leadership. A six-hour secret recording surfaced, revealing then-Vice Chancellor and party leader Heinz-Christian Strache offering to award public contracts to an alleged Russian oligarch. In exchange, Strache requested the oligarch purchase a majority stake in Austria’s largest newspaper, Kronen Zeitung, and shift its editorial stance to be more pro-FPÖ [2]. The party, founded by the former Nazi government official Anton Reinthaller in 1956, also came under fire for singing an anthem associated with the Schutzstaffel, a special division of Hitler’s army, at the funeral of an FPÖ politician on the eve of this year’s election. The party’s new leader, Herbert Kickl, campaigned on a populist, anti-immigration, and anti-establishment platform, branding himself as the “volkskanzler” or “people’s chancellor,” a term echoing Nazi-era propaganda [3].

  Austria is a parliamentary democracy, where all 183 representatives in its National Council are elected every five years. The National Council is responsible for legislation at the federal level and deliberations on European Union (EU) matters. In the EU’s legal framework, the principle of subsidiarity ensures that it only regulates issues that cannot be more effectively managed at the regional or national level. EU legislative bodies send proposals to national parliaments, which can object if they believe the proposals violate the principle of subsidiarity —a stance more likely to be taken by nationalist parties. Additionally, the National Council holds significant authority over the government, including the power to force members of the executive branch, led by the Chancellor, to step down through a vote of no confidence [4]. The FPÖ falls short of a majority in the National Council. Still, their new status as the largest party in the chamber will have profound implications for immigration and tax law, and Austria can expect a pro-Russia and anti-EU shift in foreign policy [5].

Kickl’s campaign strongly focused on immigration, branding slogans such as “Fortress Austria—closing borders, guaranteeing security.” From 2017 to 2019, Kickl served as Austria’s interior minister, a role he left with a controversial track record. Kickl renamed registration centers for asylum seekers to “departure centers” early in his tenure [6]. In 2018, the European Court of Justice ordered Austria to strike down regulations that had caused refugees to receive less social assistance than citizens. Kickl then called into question the relevance of the European Convention on Human Rights, the statute the court accused Austria of violating, which has been enshrined in the country’s constitution for sixty years. He stated: “It is up to the law to follow politics and not for politics to follow the law” [7]. Such a statement is in line with the FPÖ’s Euroscepticism, and its belief that national sovereignty should supersede the supranational European institutions. 

European unity on issues such as immigration, sanctions on Russia, aid to Ukraine, and freedom of the press is being challenged by the rise of a far-right bloc in Central Europe. Austria’s eastern neighbors—Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic—have all seen major far-right victories in recent years. In 2022, the FPÖ applauded the Hungarian president on Facebook for blocking an EU aid package for Ukraine, writing: “Bravo Viktor Orbán! Put an end to this EU warmongering!” [8] The FPÖ frames the Austrian people as victims of EU and U.S. policies, which the party blames for rising energy costs and inflation. Party member Susannane Fürst gave a speech to parliament in which she argued that the U.S. aimed to drag out the Ukraine war to weaken Russia and make Europe more dependent on Washington [9]. Additionally, Austria faces criticism for its continued heavy reliance on Russian natural gas. Austria sourced 60 percent of its gas from Russia in 2022, down only slightly from 80 percent before the war. Austria has pledged to phase out Russian gas by 2027 [10]. However, its longstanding energy ties to Moscow and a strong FPÖ presence in parliament until at least 2029 make meeting this target unlikely. Another reason Austria has taken fewer measures to aid Ukraine and sanction Russia is its longstanding national policy of neutrality, demonstrated by its refusal to join NATO. In 2023, FPÖ members staged a walkout of the Parliament during a speech by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, as they considered his presence to be in violation of their neutrality and an example of the EU agenda interfering with domestic policies [11].

The importance of social media as a tool for far-right parties across the globe to disseminate populist rhetoric and strengthen their base cannot be understated. The FPÖ has been a vocal opponent of the Biden administration's aid to Ukraine, and it rushed to congratulate President-elect Trump on his victory via social media. Their celebratory Instagram video announcement branded Trump’s victory as a victory of the common man. The video voiceover cheers: “The system and the elites fought. They lost. Kamala Harris has the media system and the so-called ‘journalists’ behind her. The establishment has failed.” Likewise, the caption reads, “System at its end: Donald Trump wins against the woke elite” [12]. Numerous political analysts point out that, throughout his campaign, Kickl was more present than his opponents on Instagram and TikTok and minimized public appearances and debates that could lead to unpredictable outcomes [13]. The language in the message from the FPÖ to celebrate Trump’s victory bears a strong resemblance to the ones the party received on September 29 after election results were announced. Matteo Salvini, one of Italy’s most important far-right politicians, congratulated the party on X, adding, “A historic day in the name of change. To those who speak of ‘extreme right,’ we remind you that in Vienna (as in almost all of Europe) the only extreme thing is the desire to change by putting the values ​​of work, family, and security back at the centre” [14]. Salvini points out an important geopolitical truth: parties once on the margins of European politics are taking center stage. 

The far-right brands itself as the new defender of the working class and the proletariat, which might have historically been the base for left-leaning or communist parties in Europe. Marine LePen, head of France’s National Rally, posted on X that, “After the Italian, Dutch and French elections, this groundswell which supports the defense of national interests, the safeguarding of identities and the resurrection of sovereignties, confirms the triumph of the people everywhere” [15]. One of Kickl’s campaign banners read: “You’re the boss, I’m the instrument” [16]. The FPÖ presented itself as the party that would defend traditional Austrian Christian values against the liberal elites that wished to corrupt them. However, when looking back at the Ibiza Affair of 2019, it was made clear the party was willing to grant a Russian oligarch government contracts in exchange for an increase in favorable media coverage. Additionally, in 2018, the FPÖ-nominated Austrian foreign minister Karin Kneissl made global headlines for inviting Vladimir Putin to her wedding and dancing with him [17]. Kneissl was accused of undermining the EU’s tough-on-Russia stance, and she went on to serve on the board of the Russian state-controlled oil giant Rosneft after leaving the government. The FPÖ seemingly doesn't condemn interference from elites or foreign influence in domestic affairs when it comes from Russia instead of the EU or the U.S.  

Since the FPÖ does not have a majority of the seats on the National Council, the coalitions that the four other parties represented in the Austrian parliament will form remain to be seen.  In Austria, a president is elected every six years. Alexander Van der Bellen was elected to the role in 2017, granting him special emergency powers. However, the head of government is the Chancellor he names. The current chancellor is Karl Nehammer of the conservative Austrian People’s Party (OVP). The OVP finished second in this year’s parliamentary elections coming in at twenty-six percent, followed by the Social Democratic Party (SPO) which received twenty-one percent of the vote [18]. The president must name a chancellor who has the confidence of the National Council or their candidate could be forced to step down. However, der Bellen is a left-leaning centrist and pro-Europe president who has spoken out against Kickl several times, which seriously threatens his chances of nomination for chancellor [19]. Der Bellen is expected to appoint a new chancellor by December. The OVP has announced that they will not work with Kickl, but if the FPÖ proposes another candidate there could be a coalition between the conservatives and the far-right. Another alternative is for the OVP, SPO, and the liberal New Austria and Liberal Forum (NEOS) party to enter into a coalition but they would have to bridge deep ideological divides to agree on a suitable candidate for chancellor. However, other members of parliament need to consider that forming a coalition without the FPÖ after it won the most seats in the National Council could strengthen its image as the “anti-establishment” party. The FPÖ could then easily argue that their party, which they consider to be the voice of the people, was silenced by the elites and historically mainstream parties. Regardless of who becomes chancellor in January, Austria's political agenda is poised to be increasingly shaped by nationalist rhetoric, Euroscepticism, and pro-Russia sentiments.